Titlebook: Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education; A Cross-National Emp Russell F. Farnen,Jos D. Meloen Book 2000 Palgrave Macmillan, a division of

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LAITY

humectant

Political and Educational Systems in 44 Countries,itical/educational features appear in Tables 3.1 and 3.2 and Figure .. Key sources for this summary are Hunter (., 1994–5), . (1995), Kurian (ed.) (., 1988), and Banks et al. (., 1995, 1997). Defense costs from the worldwide web’s CIA Fact Book (.) report reveal that in 1996, $750 billion (one-third

假裝是我

International and Cross-National Research Findings on Democracy,or topics in this project. These themes are introduced to explain and interpret our empirical findings reported later on. (For a more elaborate discussion, see Farnen, 1996, pp. 55–69 and Dekker, 1996, pp. 386–400.)

intertwine

Pamphlet

Pamphlet

Political Attitudes Across World Regions, Gender, and the Media,users. We investigate whether attitudes are equally distributed over world regions or if they vary. The first option holds that if the differences between regions are not substantial, attitudes are much the same for the various regions. We call this the ‘equality hypothesis’. The opposite or ‘divers

TAP

Content of Education: Testing the Farnen/Meloen Thesis,d their relationships to relevant political attitudes. Our main research problem is that education has clear political effects because some students stay in the school system longer than others and, therefore, the population varies in average levels of education and in the distribution and consumpti

匯總

Suggestions for Political Socialization Research and Political Education Reforms,l democratic and multiculturalist attitudes, regional results, and teaching-learning styles. We examine current educational trends and curriculum reform projects regarding the need to teach about democracy, authoritarianism, militarism, fascism, racism, tolerance, nationalism, and participatory poli

hermitage

Theoretical Introduction: Education and Political Attitudes,niversity students’ political attitudes, preferences, and self-ratings? When do students see themselves as multicultural, democratic citizens and when do they express authoritarian or extremist preferences? Is educational policy relevant to such attitudes despite a decline in worldwide ideological polarizations?