Titlebook: Communication and Midterm Elections; Media, Message, and John Allen Hendricks,Dan Schill Book 2016 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The A

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Lecture Notes in Computer Scienceanalytics-based campaigning is not as original an invention as these stories of digital pioneers would lead us to believe. Long before the rise of digital strategy, campaigns routinely tested the materials they produced. Employing a variety of methods, from focus groups to surveys to dial tests, cam

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https://doi.org/10.1007/3-540-45752-6t et al., 2014; Levendusky, 2013; Stroud, 2010), and some have examined the effects of campaign communication on affective polarization (Iyengar et al., 2012; Warner & Greenwood, 2014; Warner & McKinney, 2013). However, as with much of political communication research, these studies have neglected m

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How to Measure Agile Software Development,Senate, US House, and governor in 2010 (e.g., Hanna, Sayre, Bode, Yang, & Shah, 2011; Parmelee & Bichard, 2012). Indeed, Twitter has become a vital communication tool for campaigns, politicians, political parties, protesters, and voters (Price, 2012; Vergeer, Hermans, & Sams, 2013).

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Reidar Conradi,M. Letizia Jaccheriikely bound by political and socioeconomic conditions of the states they are in (Brown, 2010). A midterm election provides an optimal circumstance to observe gubernatorial campaigns since a presidential campaign does not overshadow lower and state levels of elections and campaigns (Vavreck, 2001). T

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Commonsense Protections or Government Interference in Private Decisions? Competing Media Frames in twhere an abortion could be obtained without the same restrictions and obstacles faced in other states, causing pro-life forces to dub Tennessee an “abortion tourism” state (Wadhwani, 2014a). The outcome of this campaign is significant for the direction of women’s abortion rights in the South. Furthe

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Political Communication and Affective Polarization in the 2014 Midterm Elections for the US Senate: t et al., 2014; Levendusky, 2013; Stroud, 2010), and some have examined the effects of campaign communication on affective polarization (Iyengar et al., 2012; Warner & Greenwood, 2014; Warner & McKinney, 2013). However, as with much of political communication research, these studies have neglected m