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Titlebook: Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39; The Moral Economy of Christopher J. V. Loughlin Book 2018 The Editor(s) (if appl

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發(fā)表于 2025-3-21 18:16:45 | 只看該作者 |倒序瀏覽 |閱讀模式
書目名稱Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39
副標(biāo)題The Moral Economy of
編輯Christopher J. V. Loughlin
視頻videohttp://file.papertrans.cn/581/580376/580376.mp4
概述Offers the first account of the interwar Belfast labour movement ‘from below‘.Challenges existing accounts which asserted the centrality of religion and sectarian conflict in the establishment of Nort
圖書封面Titlebook: Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39; The Moral Economy of Christopher J. V. Loughlin Book 2018 The Editor(s) (if appl
描述This book provides the first ‘history from below’ of the inter-war Belfast labour movement. It is a social history of the politics of Belfast labour and applies methodology from history, sociology and political science. Christopher J. V. Loughlin questions previous narratives that asserted the centrality of religion and sectarian conflict in the establishment of Northern Ireland. .Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39. suggests that political division and violence were key to the foundation and maintenance of the democratic ancien régime in Northern Ireland. It examines the relationship between Belfast Labour, sectarianism, electoral politics, security and industrial relations policy, and women’s politics in the city.?.?.
出版日期Book 2018
關(guān)鍵詞inter-war; labour movement; Northern Ireland; religion; sectarianism
版次1
doihttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71081-5
isbn_softcover978-3-319-89035-7
isbn_ebook978-3-319-71081-5
copyrightThe Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018
The information of publication is updating

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沙發(fā)
發(fā)表于 2025-3-21 21:05:45 | 只看該作者
Christopher J. V. LoughlinOffers the first account of the interwar Belfast labour movement ‘from below‘.Challenges existing accounts which asserted the centrality of religion and sectarian conflict in the establishment of Nort
板凳
發(fā)表于 2025-3-22 03:29:13 | 只看該作者
http://image.papertrans.cn/l/image/580376.jpg
地板
發(fā)表于 2025-3-22 05:26:37 | 只看該作者
5#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-22 12:32:30 | 只看該作者
6#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-22 16:31:46 | 只看該作者
Belfast Labour, Nationalism and Sectarianism,revious analysis—which has over-emphasised the ‘failure’ of labour in policy and electoral terms—on the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism in the city. The first section is concerned with discussion of the politics of identity, nationality and sectarianism. It assesses the inter-war
7#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-22 19:08:10 | 只看該作者
,Building the ‘Great March’ of Progress,nment levels, in 1921–39. The party never had more than a single-figure level of councillors on Belfast Corporation or more than three MPs in the Northern Ireland parliament. This vote, however, was significantly under-represented because of the ‘winner takes all’ nature of simple plurality voting.
8#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-23 01:10:09 | 只看該作者
,Labour, Law and the State in Northern Ireland, 1921–39,cial Powers Act (first passed in 1922 and a permanent act from 1933) and the Trade Disputes Act (1927) were both legislated by the inter-war Ulster Unionist Party government of Northern Ireland. Labour activists suffered political discrimination, while they were intimidated through the legislation a
9#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-23 05:15:25 | 只看該作者
Women and Belfast Labour Politics,amines the social, economic and political position of women locally and how Belfast labour constructed understandings of sexual division and the ‘masculine’ and the ‘feminine’. The chapter also examines the recent analysis of gender in Northern Ireland by Sean Brady and Jane G.V. McGaughey and their
10#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-23 07:25:25 | 只看該作者
Conclusion: Belfast Labour, Civil Rights and the Politics of Disloyalty,lly, Labour and class politics could not have overturned the Ulster Unionist Party’s dominance. Decisions made in London resulted in a regionalised state and a peculiar political culture. In this regionalised culture, the power holders became self-perpetuating and utilised an essentially plebiscitar
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