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Titlebook: Configurationality in Hungarian; Katalin é. Kiss Book 1987 Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, Hungary 1987 Index.adverbial.grammar.infinitive.pron

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21#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-25 04:54:17 | 只看該作者
Book 1987ed by configurationally determined operator positions. In the course of this, various descriptive issues of Hungarian syntax will be analyzed, and various theoretical questions concerning the existence and nature of non- configurational languages will be addressed. The descriptive problems to be exa
22#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-25 11:01:27 | 只看該作者
23#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-25 11:46:55 | 只看該作者
24#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-25 18:40:09 | 只看該作者
Infinitival Constructions, too. Most of the evidence consisted in showing that the subject-object assymetries known from configurational languages do not exist in Hungarian; in the Hungarian sentence the subject and object display a parallel syntactic behaviour.
25#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-25 20:41:02 | 只看該作者
Damian Grimshaw,Hugo Figueiredod in the same direction: it has turned out that it is the descriptively most adequate analysis that can be derived most straightforwardly from the interaction of theoretical principles. That is, Government-Binding Theory loses practically and typologically different from the languages that originally motivated it.
26#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-26 00:15:44 | 只看該作者
27#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-26 08:23:18 | 只看該作者
Previous Analyses of Hungarian Phrase Structure,ngarian sentences any permutation of the major constituents is grammatical, the conclusion of theoretically nonbiassed traditional linguistics has been that Hungarian word order on the sentence level is basically free; i.e., it is not rule governed. Due to this explicit or implicit assumption, as we
28#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-26 12:03:22 | 只看該作者
29#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-26 13:28:19 | 只看該作者
30#
發(fā)表于 2025-3-26 18:36:57 | 只看該作者
Questions of Binding and Coreference,f Hungarian phrase structure and principles of Universal Grammar determining anaphora, disjoint reference, and coreference, The principles of Universal Grammar involved include Binding Principles A, B, and C (see Chomsky 1981), and the Weak Crossover principle (see Chomsky 1976).
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