Titlebook: Britain and European Monetary Cooperation, 1964-1979; Kiyoshi Hirowatari Book 2015 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2015 cr

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書(shū)目名稱Britain and European Monetary Cooperation, 1964-1979影響因子(影響力)




書(shū)目名稱Britain and European Monetary Cooperation, 1964-1979影響因子(影響力)學(xué)科排名




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書(shū)目名稱Britain and European Monetary Cooperation, 1964-1979網(wǎng)絡(luò)公開(kāi)度學(xué)科排名




書(shū)目名稱Britain and European Monetary Cooperation, 1964-1979被引頻次




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Cougar

The Conservatives and Monetary Sovereigntyes of Europe and made his maiden Parliamentary speech on the need for a united Europe.’. However, an in-depth look at Heath’s view of sovereignty suggests that it underwent a considerable change as the 1960s progressed. In discussing how Heath viewed monetary sovereignty, it is worth reflecting on t

ungainly

NOVA

Summary of Part I leading Conservatives and the UK monetary authorities. As discussed in Chapter 2, Heath and UK mandarins were aware that Britain was at risk of losing monetary sovereignty, with the 1968 Basle Agreement fostering the sense of its decline as the second reserve currency: ‘The present standard of livi

不近人情

Labour and Sterlingn Egypt. With a sterling crisis ensuing from this venture, Suez highlighted the limits to Britain’s military and economic power. It was the twilight of British imperialism.. Admittedly, British imperialism had set the stage for British socialism: ‘In the days when the socialist movement was growing

Androgen

Harold Wilson, the 1964–66 Sterling Crisis and ‘The Second Try’comes to Britain’s second application to join the EEC, it seems plausible that monetary issues acted as the spur for Wilson to take an initiative on Europe. ‘The timing of the initiative thus points to the 1966 July sterling crisis as Wilson’s main source of motivation.’. A Cabinet reshuffle followe

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