Titlebook: Boundaries Crossed, at the Interfaces of Morphosyntax, Phonology, Pragmatics and Semantics; Huba Bartos,Marcel den Dikken,Tamás Váradi Boo

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急性

PUT

Immobilize

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3676-6taposing a bare noun and a verb. The bare noun occupies a preverbal position. Incorporated constructions share some features with compounds: these constitute a single phonological unit, they easily get lexicalized, the bare noun is non-referential and non-modifiable. It will be argued that the event

enfeeble

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3676-6sed syntactically not only as an adverbial phrase but also as a subject instead of an agentive subject. Using data from Hungarian, in the present paper I attempt to work out an account of this alternation that has the following advantageous features. First, by means of a pragmatically oriented weake

鞏固

At the Crossroads of Healing and Punishment,lex onsets, and to examine the interdependence between the repair strategies of Mansi and the phonetic properties of complex onsets. It attempts to prove that the primary driving forces behind those repair strategies are not phonotactic constraints but perceptual properties of the clusters. This dia

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圓桶

Linda D. Chrosniak,John H. Riskind3PL possessive agreement morpheme, undergoing semantic bleaching (the loss of person and number features, i.e., the loss of referential identifiability), decategorization, and morphologial simplification. The use of possessive agreement for the encoding of definiteness/specificity is typical of most

DIS

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-8782-5odifiers, which has often been described as a derivational suffix but is rather a licensing head for modifiers of certain types. Data from Old Hungarian, Middle Hungarian and Early Modern Hungarian will outline the syntactic change in the use of . ‘.. being’ and -., along with the rise of a new part

Onerous

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-5676-0ticular Grimshaw (., .) and Van Riemsdijk (., .). The CIT states that the categorial status of functional heads in extended projections must be identical. In other words, functional heads in nominal projections all the way up to the highest DP shell must be nominal in nature. And correspondingly fun