標(biāo)題: Titlebook: Eastern Europe in 1968; Responses to the Pra Kevin McDermott,Matthew Stibbe Book 2018 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 [打印本頁] 作者: 解毒藥 時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 17:50
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968影響因子(影響力)
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968影響因子(影響力)學(xué)科排名
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968網(wǎng)絡(luò)公開度
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968網(wǎng)絡(luò)公開度學(xué)科排名
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968被引頻次
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968被引頻次學(xué)科排名
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968年度引用
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968年度引用學(xué)科排名
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968讀者反饋
書目名稱Eastern Europe in 1968讀者反饋學(xué)科排名
作者: pericardium 時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 21:57 作者: 無辜 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 03:33 作者: exacerbate 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 05:04 作者: helper-T-cells 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 09:45
,The ‘Anti-Prague Spring’: Neo-Stalinist and Ultra-Leftist Extremism in Czechoslovakia, 1968–70, and impact of the ultra-reactionary ‘neo-Stalinists’ in the Czechoslovak Communist Party. Conventional wisdom has it that the party and nation stood solidly behind Dub?ek’s reforms, aside from a tiny band of ‘traitors’. The authors suggest that while the bulk of party activists broadly supported th作者: Popcorn 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 16:47 作者: Popcorn 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 19:05
Ideological Offensive: The East German Leadership, the Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion os is on the ideological challenge that Dub?ek’s reforms posed to the GDR variant of state socialism, and he places this within the broader framework of triangular relations between East Germany, West Germany and Czechoslovakia. He explores East German leader Walter Ulbricht’s role in the broader War作者: 安定 時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 21:44 作者: Peculate 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 01:40
Hungary 1968: Reform and the Challenge of the Prague Spring,he international arena. A radical economic reform was introduced exactly at the time of the changes in Czechoslovakia in January 1968. The challenge of the Prague Spring forced Hungarian leader, János Kádár, to secretly mediate between Prague and Moscow from the outset until mid-August with the aim 作者: 可耕種 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 06:51
1968: A Bulgarian Perspective,ertain key ‘blank spots’ in the historiography still exist, among them the role played by a small Balkan communist state—Bulgaria. Baev’s chapter discusses several lesser known themes: the input of the Bulgarian leadership in the Warsaw Pact decision-making process in favour of military intervention作者: Asymptomatic 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 12:44
,Ceau?escu’s Finest Hour? Memorialising Romanian Responses to the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovus population backed the ‘patriotic’ anti-Russian stance of their young ruler, Nicolae Ceau?escu. He explores the resonance of the 1968 events in Romanian collective memory through twenty oral history interviews conducted in an ethnically-mixed rural settlement in western Romania. The invasion prove作者: 貧窮地活 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 15:34
,The ‘June Events’: The 1968 Student Protests in Yugoslavia,in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia were driven more by internal than external factors. As Morrison shows in this chapter, the grievances and demands of the students were framed in the context of Yugoslav social, economic and political developments of the 1960s. There was no real threat 作者: Obedient 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 18:47
,1968: The Prague Spring and the Albanian ‘Castle’, to formally withdraw Albania from the Warsaw Pact, was not so much an act of political courage by Enver Hoxha, but more a piece of political theatre. Lalaj provides two main reasons why the liberalising reforms in Prague did not penetrate this Balkan corner. One was the traditional isolationist pol作者: NAIVE 時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 22:28
Echoes of the Prague Spring in the Soviet Baltic Republics,es in the Baltic States, the events of the Prague Spring had a Baltic echo. After purging ‘National Communists’ from the Estonian and Latvian Communist Parties in the 1950s, the authorities were ready to act against any sign of independent thinking and this propaganda offensive was by and large succ作者: Spina-Bifida 時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 05:39
,‘Down with Revisionism and Irredentism’: Soviet Moldavia and the Prague Spring, 1968–72,ed by Romanian leader Nicolae Ceau?escu’s hard-line stance against Moscow. In this chapter, Ca?u refines the conventional view. Based on archival documents, he shows that rural ethnic Romanians overwhelmingly endorsed the reforms in Czechoslovakia and Romania’s anti-invasion position in August 1968.作者: Antimicrobial 時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 08:56 作者: 使隔離 時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 14:30 作者: Morsel 時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 15:25
,Ceau?escu’s Finest Hour? Memorialising Romanian Responses to the Warsaw Pact Invasion of Czechoslovs to be not as present in local memory as one would expect after reading the historians who have addressed the subject. Goina questions the claim that the 1968 events brought Ceau?escu’s communist regime broad popular support and suggests that this assumption could, and most probably should, be qualified.作者: 抵消 時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 19:44 作者: 和諧 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 01:23
,1968: The Prague Spring and the Albanian ‘Castle’,icy of the Albanians, which the communists had perfected by the 1960s. Second was that in Tirana a series of party-sponsored ‘popular’ movements, some inspired by Mao’s Cultural Revolution, were at their peak. It seems that Hoxha was motivated by the vision of a society where everyone controls each other and the party controls everyone.作者: 壓倒性勝利 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 05:30
Echoes of the Prague Spring in the Soviet Baltic Republics,essful. However, the true nature of the events in Prague was understood by some and found a reflection both in student protest and cultural life. From these events a Baltic group of Soviet dissidents emerged who would campaign for the restoration of independence.作者: 刺耳的聲音 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 10:34
Book 2018ries covered include the Soviet Union and specific Soviet republics (Ukraine, Moldavia, the Baltic States), together with two chapters on Czechoslovakia and one each on East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia and Albania. The individual contributions explain why most of these co作者: Deduct 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 12:54 作者: monopoly 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 16:41
Christoph Friedrich,Dino Guggolz,Jens Petha, an acclaimed hero of ‘national communism’ in 1956, now saw the Prague Spring as challenging the maintenance of one-Party rule. He long advocated and then strongly supported the August invasion. Kemp-Welch shows how its subsequent justification, the ‘Brezhnev Doctrine’ of limited sovereignty, was eventually revoked by Gorbachev in 1989.作者: 詞匯記憶方法 時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 21:41
,‘To Hell with Sovereignty!’: Poland and the Prague Spring,a, an acclaimed hero of ‘national communism’ in 1956, now saw the Prague Spring as challenging the maintenance of one-Party rule. He long advocated and then strongly supported the August invasion. Kemp-Welch shows how its subsequent justification, the ‘Brezhnev Doctrine’ of limited sovereignty, was eventually revoked by Gorbachev in 1989.作者: agenda 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 02:36
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-27412-2of avoiding an eventual military ‘option’. This pragmatic approach was in stark contrast with the belligerent attitude of the Polish, East German and Bulgarian leaderships resulting in a serious intra-bloc conflict threatening the fate of the Hungarian reforms themselves. Thus, eventually Hungary agreed to take part in the invasion.作者: tariff 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 04:55 作者: Barrister 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 10:56 作者: Ordnance 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 13:49
Liquid Based Additive Layer Manufacturing,to the Yugoslav political system or its underlying values. The protestors were not seeking to overthrow the regime, but to provide a critique of their own material conditions. They also challenged what they deemed the flaws within Yugoslav socialist bureaucracy and what they regarded as a betrayal of the revolutionary ideas that underpinned it.作者: 結(jié)合 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 20:52 作者: 脫離 時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 21:26 作者: 減震 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 02:48 作者: 青春期 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 08:50 作者: amygdala 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 10:57
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15527-2fficial policy. The ‘search for socialism’ that had previously animated state–society dynamics was over in 1968. Soviet patriotism, often framed in xenophobic terms, became the main tool of social and political mobilisation in the USSR.作者: 全部逛商店 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 13:56
Milan Brandt,Suresh K. Bhargavalovak territory. He also explains why the Stasi were particularly concerned about the political reliability of students, even though most students seemed passive and loyal to the regime in the wake of the invasion.作者: Euthyroid 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 18:57
Introduction and Basic Principles,n historical Bessarabia. After 1968 the authorities in Soviet Moldavia felt obliged to embark on a renewed struggle against perceived or real manifestations of Romanian local nationalism, a struggle disguised in the campaign to strengthen Soviet patriotism and ‘socialist internationalism’.作者: emulsify 時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 22:52 作者: 表臉 時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 04:42
,The ‘Anti-Prague Spring’: Neo-Stalinist and Ultra-Leftist Extremism in Czechoslovakia, 1968–70,crucially, such ideas influenced large swathes of regional officials, party members and industrial workers. McDermott and Sommer conclude that these diffuse anti-reformist undercurrents were mobilised after the invasion to affect the relatively smooth transition from the Prague Spring to ‘normalisation’.作者: 小鹿 時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 07:18
The Impact of the Prague Spring on the USSR,fficial policy. The ‘search for socialism’ that had previously animated state–society dynamics was over in 1968. Soviet patriotism, often framed in xenophobic terms, became the main tool of social and political mobilisation in the USSR.作者: prosthesis 時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 11:18
Ideological Offensive: The East German Leadership, the Prague Spring and the Warsaw Pact Invasion olovak territory. He also explains why the Stasi were particularly concerned about the political reliability of students, even though most students seemed passive and loyal to the regime in the wake of the invasion.作者: inscribe 時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 16:15
,‘Down with Revisionism and Irredentism’: Soviet Moldavia and the Prague Spring, 1968–72,n historical Bessarabia. After 1968 the authorities in Soviet Moldavia felt obliged to embark on a renewed struggle against perceived or real manifestations of Romanian local nationalism, a struggle disguised in the campaign to strengthen Soviet patriotism and ‘socialist internationalism’.作者: callous 時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 21:01 作者: 側(cè)面左右 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 00:19 作者: EVEN 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 04:45
The Brain in Substance Use Prevention,nd then explain what these challenges to the post-war order looked like from the more regionally-specific perspective of Soviet and East European actors. Reponses to Dub?ek’s reforms, both in Czechoslovakia and in neighbouring communist countries, were complex and varied. The chapter looks at how an作者: 廢止 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 09:02 作者: exercise 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 14:28
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15527-2crisis of the socialist system that challenged Soviet ideas of progress, leaders of the USSR were nonetheless able to rally many citizens around the idea that Soviet interests had to be protected against outside threats. Voicing loyalty to the Soviet homeland and its titular ethnic groups in various作者: 注入 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 18:08
Milan Brandt,Suresh K. Bhargavas is on the ideological challenge that Dub?ek’s reforms posed to the GDR variant of state socialism, and he places this within the broader framework of triangular relations between East Germany, West Germany and Czechoslovakia. He explores East German leader Walter Ulbricht’s role in the broader War作者: 無辜 時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 20:45
Christoph Friedrich,Dino Guggolz,Jens Pethents launched a nation-wide campaign for academic freedom and writers protested against state censorship. But the Polish party leader W?adys?aw Gomu?ka, an acclaimed hero of ‘national communism’ in 1956, now saw the Prague Spring as challenging the maintenance of one-Party rule. He long advocated an作者: CLOUT 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 01:15 作者: gratify 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 05:34
Chunze Yan,Xiao Yang,Hongzhi Wuertain key ‘blank spots’ in the historiography still exist, among them the role played by a small Balkan communist state—Bulgaria. Baev’s chapter discusses several lesser known themes: the input of the Bulgarian leadership in the Warsaw Pact decision-making process in favour of military intervention作者: Chronic 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 10:55 作者: prick-test 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 16:13 作者: pacific 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 18:04
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-54113-5 to formally withdraw Albania from the Warsaw Pact, was not so much an act of political courage by Enver Hoxha, but more a piece of political theatre. Lalaj provides two main reasons why the liberalising reforms in Prague did not penetrate this Balkan corner. One was the traditional isolationist pol作者: 小口啜飲 時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 20:52
