派博傳思國(guó)際中心

標(biāo)題: Titlebook: Cameron and the Conservatives; The Transition to Co Timothy Heppell (Lecturer in British Politics),Dav Book 2012 Palgrave Macmillan, a divi [打印本頁(yè)]

作者: Disclose    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 18:07
書目名稱Cameron and the Conservatives影響因子(影響力)




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書目名稱Cameron and the Conservatives被引頻次學(xué)科排名




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作者: 戲服    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 20:52

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作者: 蚊帳    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 14:36
Women and Feminisation,s key promises to women and the fourth assesses what the coalition government has delivered in practice. The chapter concludes that Cameron’s commitment to feminisation seems largely cosmetic, and that it is incompatible with the policies his government has pursued.
作者: 蚊帳    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 20:09
Coalition Cohesion,of dissent then it may be in trouble. The opposition mode has been the dominant mode for more than a century, though in recent decades the intra-party mode has assumed greater significance as government backbenchers have proved more willing to vote against their party (Norton, 1975, 1978, 1980; Cowley and Norton, 1999; Cowley, 2002, 2005).
作者: Interlocking    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 01:07
Immigration Policy,tion flows to the UK. The promise to more than halve immigration in the space of five years, however, has set the government on a collision course with a broad range of organised interests, including businesses ranging from international banks to curry houses, universities, trade unions, and migrant NGOs.
作者: Ornament    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 05:25
Territorial Politics,servatives encountered increasing difficulties in their management of territorial politics. The result was the destruction of the party’s base in local government (Railings et al, 2002), followed by electoral annihilation in Scotland and Wales in the 1997 general election.
作者: theta-waves    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 06:41
Eating Disorders and Epigeneticszczerbiack, 2008: 247–8) that supports membership of the European Union (EU) but opposes key areas of integration such as Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the extension of EU competence in social policy justice and home affairs, and foreign and security policy.
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European Policy,zczerbiack, 2008: 247–8) that supports membership of the European Union (EU) but opposes key areas of integration such as Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the extension of EU competence in social policy justice and home affairs, and foreign and security policy.
作者: 五行打油詩(shī)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 22:39

作者: 不幸的人    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 04:19
Conclusion,gy, thus confirming the success of the statecraft strategy (Bulpitt, 1986: 21–2). Our conclusion offers an audit of the Conservatives statecraft strategy at the point of the anniversary of their first year in office in terms of these dimensions.
作者: forecast    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 09:06
DNA Methylation in Major Depressive Disordertion flows to the UK. The promise to more than halve immigration in the space of five years, however, has set the government on a collision course with a broad range of organised interests, including businesses ranging from international banks to curry houses, universities, trade unions, and migrant NGOs.
作者: giggle    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 11:16
Eating Disorders and Epigeneticsservatives encountered increasing difficulties in their management of territorial politics. The result was the destruction of the party’s base in local government (Railings et al, 2002), followed by electoral annihilation in Scotland and Wales in the 1997 general election.
作者: 該得    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 16:12

作者: ingenue    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 19:46

作者: 課程    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 00:37
Neuroendoscopic Treatment of Colloid Cysts,order to govern alone. In effect the party came so agonisingly close, falling short of that overall target of 326 House of Commons seats by just 19. Indeed, one analysis established that just 16,000 extra votes, of the 29.7 million cast, distributed in the 19 constituency seats where the Conservativ
作者: 沒(méi)血色    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 06:34

作者: 注意    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 10:31

作者: 長(zhǎng)處    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 15:44
Eating Disorders and Epigeneticsto the party’s general election drubbing in 1997. In opposition, the Conservatives became more Eurosceptic as European integration deepened, but the party leadership also enjoyed some success in both detoxifying the issue and managing internal dissent. With the Conservatives back in office, in a coa
作者: conjunctiva    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 18:28

作者: vasospasm    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 21:25
Eating Disorders and Epigeneticsto manage’ (1982: 144). The party nevertheless historically negotiated these difficulties with such skill that its territorial politics were regarded as ‘one of the most consistently successful aspects of its statecraft’ (Gamble, 1995: 14). During the Thatcher and Major premierships however, the Con
作者: 防御    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 01:48
Neuroepigenomics in Aging and Disease where pragmatism rules. Only occasionally are tricky notions of conscience and ethics introduced into foreign policy, such as when Robin Cook made his rather well-received but largely ignored call for an ‘ethical dimension to foreign policy’ (., 1997). Cameron (2008b) argued that: ‘the conduct of i
作者: disparage    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 08:22
Deep Learning Techniques in Neuroergonomicsctory speech accepting the party leadership, he identified the need for ‘social action to ensure social justice, and a stronger society’ and declared that the Conservatives could ‘mend our broken society’. Cameron identified a number of key indicators of social breakdown which he would return to ove
作者: 迷住    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 10:21
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34784-0entation and by addressing their interests and concerns. The first section of this chapter explores the reasons for this move by placing it in the context of the gender environment and policy agenda inherited from 13 years of Labour government; this generated powerful pragmatic political motivations
作者: podiatrist    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 16:09
Deep Learning Techniques in Neuroergonomicsdeological compromise would ensue as the Conservative and Liberal Democrat leaderships sought to agree with a common policy platform. In respects, this is indeed what has occurred during their first 15 months of government. However, the task of tracing the ideological character of the coalition is m
作者: CROAK    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 20:42
Brain Basics in Neuroergonomicsy in government is pitted against the party or parties, in opposition. This mode, as King notes, is marked by conflict. Each side is usually united as it faces the other side. However, cohesion may not be total. As a result, one other mode, the . — encompassing opposition within a party — is signifi
作者: puzzle    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 23:24
Deep Learning Techniques in Neuroergonomicster since 1812. He was the first Old Etonian prime minister since 1964. He had got to the top after the shortest length of service as a Member of Parliament (nine years) since 1783. He was the first prime minister to have been a special adviser. And he was the first PM heading a coalition since 1945
作者: grenade    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 03:00

作者: 容易生皺紋    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 06:51
Affective and Social Neuroergonomics,tion from opposition to coalition government for the Conservatives under David Cameron. In basic terms statecraft can be interpreted as the art of winning elections (the politics of support) and governing competence (the politics of power) (Bulpitt, 1986: 19–39). A winning electoral strategy (propel
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http://image.papertrans.cn/c/image/220959.jpg
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978-1-137-51558-2Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2012
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作者: 散開    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 01:15
The Conservative Election Campaign,he 1931 general election. However, much of the shine is lost when we consider the context of the 2010 election. In Gordon Brown Britain had one of the most disliked Labour Party Prime Ministers of all time and with the nation in the depth of an economic crisis the Conservative Party had the opportun
作者: 變形    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 05:33
The Conservatives and the Electorate,s longstanding confidence in the ability of the Conservatives to manage the economy competently — a matter on which they had consistently outscored Labour for decades (see Denver, 1998). During the ensuing five years, Major and his party plumbed new depths of unpopularity in the opinion polls, lost
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作者: enchant    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 13:03
Foreign Policy,en, the main difference in the foreign policy aims and objectives of the three main parties is in terms of their rhetoric. There are, however, exceptions to this rule with the conflict in Iraq being perhaps the most notorious recent example. Whilst both the Conservative and Labour parties supported
作者: optic-nerve    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 19:34

作者: Occipital-Lobe    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 21:21
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-84547-5ived — 1945 to 1951, 1964 to 1970 and 1974 to 1979 — the Conservatives experienced two elongated periods in office. There was the three term period of governance under Winston Churchill, Anthony Eden, Harold Macmillan and Alec Douglas-Home between 1951 and 1964, and a four term period in office betw
作者: inscribe    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 01:07

作者: MOTTO    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 07:02
Neuroendoscopic Treatment of Colloid Cysts,he 1931 general election. However, much of the shine is lost when we consider the context of the 2010 election. In Gordon Brown Britain had one of the most disliked Labour Party Prime Ministers of all time and with the nation in the depth of an economic crisis the Conservative Party had the opportun
作者: 壟斷    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 09:41

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作者: 夜晚    時(shí)間: 2025-3-30 23:40
Deep Learning Techniques in Neuroergonomicshe main political parties. The coalition follows an extended period in office for a Labour government which made a virtue of its ‘post-ideological’ character. Insofar as the Blair administration had a guiding philosophy this was ‘the third way’, which sought to explicitly transcend traditional ideol
作者: brassy    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 02:12

作者: 大廳    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 07:47
Introduction,to successfully transform and renew itself as . (Seawright, 2010). The party’s electoral dominance in twentieth century British politics was so absolute that it was defined politically as the Conservative century (Ramsden, 1999: 7–8). Between 1886 and 1997 they were in government for 77 out of 111 y
作者: 吹牛大王    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 10:03

作者: 滔滔不絕地講    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 17:03
The Conservative Election Campaign,order to govern alone. In effect the party came so agonisingly close, falling short of that overall target of 326 House of Commons seats by just 19. Indeed, one analysis established that just 16,000 extra votes, of the 29.7 million cast, distributed in the 19 constituency seats where the Conservativ
作者: 卡死偷電    時(shí)間: 2025-3-31 20:09
The Conservatives and the Electorate,of the party since it was last in power. When David Cameron became its leader in December 2005 the Conservative Party had been in the electoral doldrums for 13 years and under three different leaders had been badly defeated in three successive general elections. The rot began shortly after an unexpe
作者: Shuttle    時(shí)間: 2025-4-1 00:27
Economic Policy,y. The period of the 1980s was associated with the aftermath of the stagflation of the 1970s and the implementation of the new ideas of Thatcherism aimed at reversing British decline and restoring a pathway of growth. The 1980s was a period of considerable economic turmoil and political strife. The




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