派博傳思國際中心

標(biāo)題: Titlebook: Britain and Norway in Europe Since 1945; Outsiders Geir K. Almlid Book 2020 The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusiv [打印本頁]

作者: Hayes    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 17:37
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作者: 類似思想    時(shí)間: 2025-3-21 20:21

作者: 障礙    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 02:10
,Fighting Supranationalism, 1950–1959,n-policy questions for British and Norwegian governments in the 1950s. This chapter discusses the initial reactions and the chosen strategies. It finds that a global perspective endured in Britain during the first decade after the Second World War. The attitude of UK governments to the European inte
作者: Liberate    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 06:26

作者: 詩集    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 10:07
,Successful EC Negotiations—Unsuccessful Referendum, 1970–1972,fferent motives for applying are discussed, showing that in Britain, membership was fuelled more by political motivations. In Norway economic arguments were more important. Moreover, the two countries’ different negotiation strategies and tactics are analysed. The British Heath government had a more
作者: 松果    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 16:16

作者: 歌曲    時(shí)間: 2025-3-22 17:18

作者: 死亡率    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 01:17
,Norwegian Europeanisation and British Opt-Outs, 1995–2009,y were not equally eager to have NATO go “out of area”. The main question, however, is how Britain and Norway dealt with the European Union (EU) growing wider and deeper. After the 1994 referendum, Norway developed into the most integrated of the non-members. It became an integral part of the Single
作者: JOG    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 02:17

作者: 凝視    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 07:24
,Britain and Norway in Europe—Continuity and Changes,examined in the previous chapters, but rather discusses some major themes for the entire 75-year period. Two main interlinked perspectives are considered. The first is the UK-Norwegian bilateral relationship in terms of trade, security, and political and European relations. It finds that in all thes
作者: 使困惑    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 12:43
s between these countries in political and cultural attitude.This book examines Britain and Norway in Europe from 1945 through to the former‘s departure from the European Union in 2020. It compares their European relations and investigates their bilateral relationship within the contexts of security
作者: COMMA    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 14:24
,The Establishment of the EEA and the European Union, 1984–1994,rked vigorously to bring the European Economic Area to life from the late 1980s, motivated by a fear that Norway would lose if it remained on the outside of the Single Market. She succeeded but soon decided that this was not enough and started to push for EU membership. But the Norwegian public once again said “no” in the 1994 referendum.
作者: hypertension    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 21:37

作者: 做作    時(shí)間: 2025-3-23 22:27

作者: 保守    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 04:56
European eHealth Agenda, 1990–2010e areas the two countries have drifted apart for different reasons. The other perspective is a comparison of their European policies and actions. Many of the events and developments have followed different routes. But the similarities are more striking than their differences; above all, Britain and Norway have been European outsiders.
作者: 燕麥    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 08:05
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07814-8icular focus on European integration since 1945, and Britain’s and Norway’s European policies and relations in a comparative perspective during the same period. It also gives an account of the perspectives, methods and sources applied in the book. Moreover, the chapter examines the close relationship between Britain and Norway before 1945.
作者: Irrepressible    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 14:39
Paresh Mishra,Suresh Kalagnanamin terms of political and economic relations. Finally, it discusses how they had a common functional non-federal approach to new Western European institutions that were founded during this period, such as the Organization for European Economic Cooperation and the Council of Europe.
作者: 詞根詞綴法    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 15:21

作者: 完成才會(huì)征服    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 19:35
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597754Norway, but not big enough for Britain. The chapter also discusses why the general bilateral relationship started to fade somewhat. The answers are found in the role of other countries and waning memories of the links from the war.
作者: libertine    時(shí)間: 2025-3-24 23:44
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597754 the governments different rooms to manoeuvre in Brussels. The chapter also discusses in-depth the domestic debates on membership. It examines differences and similarities, and explains why public opposition in Norway was stronger than in Britain.
作者: metropolitan    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 03:55

作者: 1分開    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 07:33

作者: NATAL    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 14:40

作者: Petechiae    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 19:30

作者: Neonatal    時(shí)間: 2025-3-25 22:17

作者: 別炫耀    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 00:17
,Fighting Supranationalism, 1950–1959,s its most important trading partner. Norway thus followed in British footsteps. Britain and Norway preferred intergovernmentalism over supranationalism. The chapter also examines their bilateral relations in a wider perspective, especially how the security relationship developed within NATO.
作者: 持久    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 06:38
,EEC Applications and EFTA Cooperation, 1960–1969,Norway, but not big enough for Britain. The chapter also discusses why the general bilateral relationship started to fade somewhat. The answers are found in the role of other countries and waning memories of the links from the war.
作者: Longitude    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 11:12

作者: 富饒    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 14:27
,Forming New Relationships, 1973–1983,ty. Harold Wilson renegotiated the entry terms already the year after accession, and Thatcher chose a tough approach after she became prime minister. Norwegians were content with continuing as formal outsiders, but Oslo governments increasingly sought more cooperation with the EC.
作者: Charitable    時(shí)間: 2025-3-26 20:33
,Norwegian Europeanisation and British Opt-Outs, 1995–2009,a strong pro-European in principle, did not manage to improve Britain’s relationship to Europe. The UK never joined the euro and Blair was often at odds with the EU partners. British Euroscepticism only grew among the public.
作者: entice    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 00:59
,Brexit and Future UK-Norwegian Relations, 2010–2020,me a reality because it would create a difficult situation for Norway. In discussions on post-Brexit relations, the chapter concludes that there is not enough political will in London and Oslo to return to a similar relationship as the one they had in the first decades after 1945.
作者: CIS    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 02:45

作者: 侵蝕    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 08:44

作者: 吵鬧    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 10:10

作者: Aviary    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 13:38
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07814-8l and federalist approaches to European integration since the beginning in the 1950s until today’s European Union. However, the question of membership has been controversial. Britons and Norwegians have been split virtually in two, and this has plagued political parties and governments. Several prim
作者: 滑動(dòng)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-27 20:22

作者: 迎合    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 00:41

作者: Creatinine-Test    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 06:08

作者: 樂器演奏者    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 07:41
https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230597754fferent motives for applying are discussed, showing that in Britain, membership was fuelled more by political motivations. In Norway economic arguments were more important. Moreover, the two countries’ different negotiation strategies and tactics are analysed. The British Heath government had a more
作者: 刺耳的聲音    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 10:34
Values: But, What Actually Are They?ropean Community (EC) and Norway on the outside, they naturally interacted less on European matters than before. Britain had to focus more on its new EC partners, and Norway gradually moved towards stronger relations with West Germany. The chapter also analyses how each of their relationships to the
作者: HAIRY    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 15:05

作者: 灌輸    時(shí)間: 2025-3-28 18:56
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56090-3y were not equally eager to have NATO go “out of area”. The main question, however, is how Britain and Norway dealt with the European Union (EU) growing wider and deeper. After the 1994 referendum, Norway developed into the most integrated of the non-members. It became an integral part of the Single
作者: MOAN    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 00:30
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56090-3 in the European Union (EU). It discusses why so many voted leave. Immigration, sovereignty and dissatisfaction with the political establishment were important factors. The chapter then examines why it was so difficult to brexit in practice. The role of Norway and Brexit is also investigated. Both t
作者: 獨(dú)裁政府    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 03:50
European eHealth Agenda, 1990–2010examined in the previous chapters, but rather discusses some major themes for the entire 75-year period. Two main interlinked perspectives are considered. The first is the UK-Norwegian bilateral relationship in terms of trade, security, and political and European relations. It finds that in all thes
作者: insidious    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 08:52

作者: 跳動(dòng)    時(shí)間: 2025-3-29 11:26





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