派博傳思國際中心

標題: Titlebook: Belfast: Approach to Crisis; A Study of Belfast P Ian Budge,Cornelius O’Leary Book 1973 Ian Budge and Cornelius O‘Leary 1973 Britain.crisis [打印本頁]

作者: culinary    時間: 2025-3-21 18:05
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作者: Expiration    時間: 2025-3-21 21:44

作者: chapel    時間: 2025-3-22 00:23
Socio-Economic Changes in Egypt 1952–1964second reading debate, the Government was taking advantage of this opportunity to introduce proportional representation as the mode of election for Irish local authorities ‘in view of the dissatisfaction which largely prevails in the country’.
作者: 爆米花    時間: 2025-3-22 05:34

作者: 救護車    時間: 2025-3-22 09:55
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16165-2tuents (Chapter 11). It also indicates the presence of constraints on free communication between activists and population (Chapter 12). Different preferences may have evolved in procedural as well as other areas while patterns of conflict and agreement may also diverge (Chapter 13).
作者: 圓錐體    時間: 2025-3-22 14:41

作者: PRE    時間: 2025-3-22 17:20

作者: exorbitant    時間: 2025-3-22 23:46
1920 and After,second reading debate, the Government was taking advantage of this opportunity to introduce proportional representation as the mode of election for Irish local authorities ‘in view of the dissatisfaction which largely prevails in the country’.
作者: Ventilator    時間: 2025-3-23 05:05

作者: LAY    時間: 2025-3-23 05:40
Recruitment of Activists,tuents (Chapter 11). It also indicates the presence of constraints on free communication between activists and population (Chapter 12). Different preferences may have evolved in procedural as well as other areas while patterns of conflict and agreement may also diverge (Chapter 13).
作者: 反復(fù)拉緊    時間: 2025-3-23 12:34

作者: 類人猿    時間: 2025-3-23 17:02

作者: Lipoma    時間: 2025-3-23 20:25
Labour Disputes and their Settlement,representatives seemed not to belong (Chapters 4, 5, 10). Certainly a majority of Unionist adherents and councillors — seconded by the press — wished in 1966 to make conciliatory moves towards the Catholics (Chapters 9 and 11), which if carried through might have defused the imminent crisis.
作者: ineptitude    時間: 2025-3-23 23:40

作者: 拱形面包    時間: 2025-3-24 03:16
,The Age of Riots: 1855–74,t a model of imitation’. But this effusion was not untypical. The . in the late 1850s and early 1860s waxed lyrical about the boom town, e.g. ‘warehouses of large dimensions and great beauty’; ‘the steam-hammer and steam-punch cease not from morning till night’.
作者: 內(nèi)疚    時間: 2025-3-24 08:38
,Local Elections and Party Competition: 1897–1967,ailing shipbuilding and aircraft industry. The British link has also provided a political and financial stimulus to the development of welfare services and housing (far more extensive than in the Republic) which as we have seen became one of the main preoccupations of the Council and its committees.
作者: Colonoscopy    時間: 2025-3-24 11:03
,The Early Years: 1613–1832,f the seventeenth century. Like all the other towns, with the exception of Kilkenny, it was built on tidal water at a ford across the river Lagan. Although some habitations existed since prehistoric times, they were insignificant until the conquest of Ulster under Elizabeth and James I. During the f
作者: Crepitus    時間: 2025-3-24 15:30

作者: 啟發(fā)    時間: 2025-3-24 21:51
,The Age of Riots: 1855–74, newspaper of 1853 a remarkable piece of Belfast self-congratulation: ‘this great emporium of trade, manufacturing and commerce now exciting the attention and claiming the admiration of every community whose good example we have been following, and of every community to which, in our turn, we presen
作者: 心胸狹窄    時間: 2025-3-25 01:45
,The Age of Consolidation: 1874–1920,lling a very considerable number of votes.’. This lament in a . editorial after the general election result of 1874 had been declared marks the recognition by the Belfast Liberals that Belfast was incontrovertibly a Conservative city, and might well serve as the keynote for the developments of the n
作者: 投射    時間: 2025-3-25 04:43

作者: 反抗者    時間: 2025-3-25 11:35

作者: 宣稱    時間: 2025-3-25 12:13
Party Images and Voting Choice: 1966,age back from the distribution of votes cast to the motivations behind these votes. In turn this shift implies a change in the main type of evidence considered, from aggregate, historical voting statistics to contemporary survey responses. What we learn about motivations from the answers made to us
作者: 平淡而無味    時間: 2025-3-25 18:32
Influences on Political Attitudes: Class, Religion, Party and Activism,lings when these are compared directly. This analysis forms the first section, below. The comparative influence of class and religion can also be estimated indirectly, through their effect on a wide variety of preferences, perceptions and attitudes, at both activist and popular levels. The attitudin
作者: NIL    時間: 2025-3-25 22:43

作者: Indelible    時間: 2025-3-26 02:35

作者: 樂器演奏者    時間: 2025-3-26 04:52

作者: myriad    時間: 2025-3-26 11:32
Support for Established Institutions, Cross-cutting and the Reaction of Political Moderates,give strong indications of how and why a crisis developed. The class division underlying politics in Britain was in Belfast overlaid by religious tension and Unionist hegemony (Chapter 8). That hegemony was seen as irreversible under existing procedures because it was based on the solid support of a
作者: nautical    時間: 2025-3-26 12:50
Conclusions,f a system of some antiquity now about to disappear. This purpose has been fulfilled by the discussions of Belfast development and of political behaviour and attitudes in 1966, which form the staple of previous chapters. Inevitably, a major concern has been with religious tensions, violence and intr
作者: synovitis    時間: 2025-3-26 18:14

作者: ULCER    時間: 2025-3-26 22:55
978-1-349-00128-6Ian Budge and Cornelius O‘Leary 1973
作者: 改革運動    時間: 2025-3-27 02:56

作者: infringe    時間: 2025-3-27 05:22

作者: Substitution    時間: 2025-3-27 12:59
Economic Development and the Labour Movementlling a very considerable number of votes.’. This lament in a . editorial after the general election result of 1874 had been declared marks the recognition by the Belfast Liberals that Belfast was incontrovertibly a Conservative city, and might well serve as the keynote for the developments of the next fifty years.
作者: 轉(zhuǎn)換    時間: 2025-3-27 15:04
Union Policy and Union Democracy,f the seventeenth century. Like all the other towns, with the exception of Kilkenny, it was built on tidal water at a ford across the river Lagan. Although some habitations existed since prehistoric times, they were insignificant until the conquest of Ulster under Elizabeth and James I. During the f
作者: Anticlimax    時間: 2025-3-27 21:19

作者: jet-lag    時間: 2025-3-27 21:57

作者: 易達到    時間: 2025-3-28 02:22
Economic Development and the Labour Movementlling a very considerable number of votes.’. This lament in a . editorial after the general election result of 1874 had been declared marks the recognition by the Belfast Liberals that Belfast was incontrovertibly a Conservative city, and might well serve as the keynote for the developments of the n
作者: heirloom    時間: 2025-3-28 07:42

作者: 忍受    時間: 2025-3-28 11:55

作者: 土坯    時間: 2025-3-28 14:57

作者: 性冷淡    時間: 2025-3-28 20:13
B. C. Roberts,L. Greyfié De Bellecombelings when these are compared directly. This analysis forms the first section, below. The comparative influence of class and religion can also be estimated indirectly, through their effect on a wide variety of preferences, perceptions and attitudes, at both activist and popular levels. The attitudin
作者: 使害羞    時間: 2025-3-29 00:35
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16165-2ent chapters will be concerned with exploring some of the implications of this finding. For if activists, by virtue of experiences in Council and administration which they share with each other but not with their followers, develop preferences and appraisals which differ from those of the general po
作者: 友好    時間: 2025-3-29 06:47
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16165-2nd residents .. But this conclusion should not be overstated. While Unionist councillors were obviously drawn from more exclusive groupings than non-Unionist councillors, it remains true that the latter are not a mirror image of residents in terms either of present socioeconomic characteristics or o
作者: 就職    時間: 2025-3-29 07:40
Industrial Relations in Tanzania,merged as central to relationships between councillors, residents and constituents in Belfast. Their importance stemmed not only from more or less permanent effects on the practice of representation but also from their influence on the major political development of the 1960s — the unsuccessful reco
作者: Brittle    時間: 2025-3-29 15:26
Labour Disputes and their Settlement,give strong indications of how and why a crisis developed. The class division underlying politics in Britain was in Belfast overlaid by religious tension and Unionist hegemony (Chapter 8). That hegemony was seen as irreversible under existing procedures because it was based on the solid support of a
作者: 博愛家    時間: 2025-3-29 17:48

作者: Asparagus    時間: 2025-3-29 20:09
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作者: Mundane    時間: 2025-3-30 03:41





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